How crime affects the migration decisions of individuals is important for two main reasons. First, increases in crime may cause individuals to leave a locality, which erodes the tax base required to address further increases in criminal justice and public safety initiatives. Additionally, crime may inflict other externalities, since long-distance moves are costly.
Internationally mobile students remain the least studied category of migrants despite the remarkable growth in the numbers of students who choose to study abroad. With 8% of 4 million internationally mobile students originating from post-Soviet countries, very little is known about the macroeconomic factors that may push young people from this region to pursue undergraduate education abroad, or the most popular destination countries for them.
Does birth order matter? Over the past hundred years, this simple question has inspired a rancorous debate. For the past ten years, however, the growing consensus has been that yes, it does matter. It is becoming increasingly clear that, relative to first borns, later born siblings within the same family have lower educational attainment (Black, Devereux and Salvanes, 2005), lower cognitive ability (Bjerkedal et al., 2007; Barclay, 2015a), and worse health in adulthood (Barclay and Myrskylä, 2014).
More than half the world now lives in urban areas. In many low- and middle-income countries, the speed and scale of urban growth has outpaced the provision of services, leading to a proliferation of informal settlements without access to water and sanitation, garbage collection, or security of tenure. The urbanization and concentration of poverty and deprivation in these settings is often characterized by residential crowding, exposure to environmental hazards, and social fragmentation and exclusion (Wratten, 1995) – a cluster of conditions frequently referred to with the catch-all term of “slum-dwelling.”
To what extent do genes determine when you have your first child and the total number of children that you have? Until now, social science research on fertility has largely ignored genetic explanations and instead attributed our fertility behaviour almost exclusively to the social environment and upbringing, postponement of having children in lieu of educational attainment and labour force participation and value change. Yet a growing number of studies within biology, demography, and genetics have shown that genetic factors can explain up to 40–50 % of our fertility behaviour.